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‘My God! They’re Killing Us’ – 45 years ago today

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‘My God! They’re Killing Us’: Newsweek’s 1970

Coverage of the Kent State Shooting

Crosby, Stills, Nash & Young Ohio 1970 Kent State University

https://youtu.be/68g76j9VBvM

Kent State

U.S.
Newsweek’s May 18, 1970, cover. Newsweek archives

Kent State University, in the rolling green hills of northeastern Ohio, seems the very model of a modern, Middle American university. Until last year, the most vicious outbreak of violence there was a 1958 panty raid launched against two women’s dormitories, which resulted in the prompt dismissal of 29 students. Recently, the radical spirit had begun to drift over the 790-acre campus—but only a fraction of the school’s 19,000 students was affected. Antiwar rallies attracted no more than 300 people at best, and even the appearance of Jerry Rubin of the Chicago Seven drew only about 1,000.

Given the setting, the sudden volley of rifle fire from National Guard troops that killed four Kent State students and wounded 10 others last week echoed even more loudly than it might have at one of the capitals of campus protest such as Berkeley or Columbia. The bloody incident shocked and further divided a nation already riven by dissent over the war in Indochina. More than that, the shots fired at Kent State were taken by some as a warning that the U.S. might be edging toward the brink of warfare of sorts on the home front.

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The prologue to the tragedy was probably provided by Richard Nixon himself four years earlier when he announced the U.S. intervention in Cambodia. The next day, Kent State students held peaceful protests rallies on campus. Later, the combination of warm spring air and cold beer at local taverns in Kent, a leafy community of 29,000 not far from Akron, prompted some young people to pitch a few bottles at police cars. When members of the town’s 20-man police force returned to clear the area around midnight, the scene turned violent—and the night ended with the sound of shattering bank and store windows as a campus-bound mob of several hundred students rampaged through town.

ROTC

Police charged that among the rioters they had spotted two militants just released from jail after serving six months on charges stemming from disorders last year. The students denied this. And the following night, antiwar elements rallied again, later turning their wrath—and fire bombs—on the rickety 24-year-old ROTC building on the Kent campus. With the building in ruins and the townspeople in an angry uproar, a request was made by Mayor Leroy Satrom that Governor James Rhodes call in the National Guard. “If these anarchists get away with it here,” said a lifelong Kent resident, “no campus in the country is safe.”

The governor was eager to oblige. Having made campus disorder a key issue in his hard campaign for the U.S. Senate, Rhodes quickly ordered in men from the 107th Armored Cavalry Regiment and the 145th Infantry Battalion, declared martial law—and then showed up himself to set the tone in a public address. Attributing the violence to students “worse than the ‘brownshirt’ and the Communist element and also the night-riders in the vigilantes…the worst type of people that we harbor in America,” the governor pledged: “We are going to eradicate the problem…. It’s over within Ohio.”

Kent State Photo from the Kent State massacre, published in the May 18, 1970, issue of Newsweek. Newsweek archives

Orders

Off the podium, said a reliable source, Rhodes all but took personal command of the guardsmen. Without consulting top guard officials or the university administration, he reportedly ordered that all campus assemblies—peaceful or otherwise—be broken up and said the troops would remain on campus 12 months a year if necessary. “There was no discussion,” an insider informed Newsweek, “because it wouldn’t have done any good. The governor had made up his mind.”

The guardsmen were already tired and tense, having been brought in from five days on duty in the Cleveland area during the wildcat Teamsters strike. Though many were young and some were even Kent State students, most of the troopers seemed to share the antipathy to student protests characteristic of small-town Ohio. They got through Sunday with no serious incident. But with the start of classes on Monday, the scene was set for a fatal confrontation.

Despite Rhodes’s ban on rallies—or perhaps unaware of how all-embracing it was—antiwar students were gathering for a noon rally while hundreds of their less political schoolmates ambled from class to lunch. Five times a campus police official called for the students to disperse, but they ignored the directive and rang the iron “Victory Bell” usually sounded after football games. Finally, the guard began to move, fully loaded M-1 rifles at the ready, along with some “grease guns” (.45-caliber submachine guns) and .45 pistols. Barrages of tear gas from M-79 grenade launchers began to move the crowd of students up a knoll, at the top of which perched Taylor Hall, a modern, pillared building housing the College of Fine and Professional Arts, the Department of Architecture and the School of Journalism.

Hail

The eddying student mob pelted the guardsmen with rocks, chunks of concrete, the troopers’ own belching gas grenades and all the standard porcine epithets. From atop the knoll, known to trysters as “Blanket Hill” before the construction of Taylor Hall, a composite group of some 100 guardsmen from the 107th and 145th sent a smaller detachment of about 40 troopers down to clear the young people from a football field and parking lot. The hail of student-hurled rocks and cement continued. So did the guard’s gas barrage, until there were no gas grenades left. Several times, some of the troops were seen to kneel in what seemed to be firing positions, apparently to frighten off their attackers.

It was at this point, about 25 minutes after noon, as the smaller detachment marched back up to join the larger group, that guardsmen thought they heard a single shot. Almost instantly, there was a salvo from troopers on the knoll that lasted at least three seconds. No warning had been issued, and few students knew the guardsmen’s rifles were even loaded. ‘They’re firing blanks,” said one student to another, “otherwise they would be aiming into the air or at the ground.” And, indeed, some of the 16 or 17 guardsmen who fired about 35 rounds in all may have done just that; others, unbelievable as it seemed, had fired right into the crowd of students. The shrieks and moans that quickly filled the air foreshadowed the toll: four dead, 10 wounded, including a youth paralyzed from the waist down by a bullet in the spine. Ignoring cries for help, the guardsmen marched away.

Newsweek Photo from the Kent State massacre, published in the May 18, 1970, issue of Newsweek. Newsweek archives

Around Taylor Hall, the students, many with tears streaming down their cheeks, were horrified and enraged. “My God! My God! They’re killing us,” thought freshman Ron Steele of Buffalo. “I thought the soldiers had gone insane or it was some kind of accident.”

William Fitzgerald, a 29-year-old graduate student in history, felt it was no accident. “It was butchery,” cried Fitzgerald. And a correspondent for campus radio station WKSU told his editor, via walkie-talkie: “I’m coming back. I’m sick…disgusted.” Psychology professor Seymour Baron, who had persuaded guard Brigade General Robert Canterbury to have his men put up their weapons after the fusillade, now was arguing infuriated students out of trying to follow the troops across the Commons. “They’ll kill you,” he warned.

Not one of the four dead had been closer than 75 feet to the troops who had killed them—and there was not the slightest suggestion that they had been singled out as targets because of anything they had done. Indeed, all available evidence indicated that the four dead students were probably innocent bystanders.

  • Sandy Scheuer, 20, of Youngstown, Ohio, had been searching for a lost dog on campus only shortly before the shooting, and a friend said she was on her way to a speech-therapy class when she was hit. “Sandy must have thought it was over and stood up,” said Sharon Swanson. “I saw her lying there, hit in the neck.”
  • William Schroeder, 19, of Lorain, Ohio, an ROTC member, was watching “mainly because he was curious,” according to fellow psychology student Gene Pekarik.
  • Allison Krause, 19, of the Pittsburgh area, was walking with her boyfriend to a class when the firing began. “She had just stopped to look around and see what was happening,” said a fellow student.
  • Jeffrey Glenn Miller, 20, of Plainview, New York, who looked most like a radical, had carefully steered clear of the jumpy campus the night before and had told his mother by telephone: “Don’t worry, I’m not going to get hurt…. You know me, I won’t get that involved.” Miller’s connection with the militants with third-hand at best, judging by a mysterious note from a friend found later in his room. “I guess I missed you again,” it said. “My friends from Michigan are on their way here to start some trouble. I’ll look for you later.”

In the aftermath, Ohio guard brass obdurately defended the conduct of their men. They quickly whisked away the troops who had fired the fatal rounds and then tried to explain what had happened. First, they contended that the volley had not been ordered but that it was fired in response to a sniper’s bullet; the next day, they were forced to admit they had no real evidence of any such sniping. However, there was an unaccounted for bullet hole in a metal sculpture outside Taylor Hall that some felt was consistent with a sniper shot from a rooftop; and more mystery was added with reports that a bullet wound suffered by one victim, as well as some shell casings on campus, did not match the ammunition authorized for the guard.

Ultimately, guard commanders rested their case on what seemed an extraordinary Ohio National Guard regulation that permits each individual soldier to shoot when he feels his life is endangered. “I am satisfied that these troops felt that their lives were in danger,” said General Canterbury, 55, who was in charge of the troops. “I felt I could have been killed out there…. Considering the size of the rocks and the proximity of those throwing them, lives were in danger…. Hell, they were 3 feet behind us…. I do think, however, that under normal conditions, an officer would give the order to fire.”

Kent State Photo from the Kent State massacre, published in the May 18, 1970, issue of Newsweek. Newsweek archives

‘Bastards’

Some guardsmen on campus evidenced little if any regret over the killings. “It’s about time we showed the bastards who’s in charge,” said one. And many of the townspeople of Kent shared the same sentiment. “You can’t really help but kind of think they’ve been asking for it and finally got it,” said a motel clerk. What did the troops who did the actual firing think? “They didn’t go to Kent State to kill anyone,” cried the wife of one of the men who fired at the students. “I know he’d rather have stayed home and mowed the lawn. He told me so. He told me they didn’t fire those shots to scare the students off. He told me they fired those shots because they knew the students were coming after them, coming for their guns. People are calling my husband a murderer; my husband is not a murderer. He was afraid.”

Even granting the genuine fear felt by the guardsmen, disturbing questions persist about their behavior during the episode. The guard insisted that the men fired as they were about to be “overrun” by the students. But if the troops were so closely surrounded, how was it that nobody closer than 75 feet away was hit? And if the rocks and bricks presented such overwhelming danger, how did the troops avoid even one injury serious enough to require hospital treatment?

If the danger was not quite as great as first portrayed, why could not the detachment’s cadre of officers—a top-heavy group of four or five captains and Brigadier General Canterbury himself—keep the men under control. A 22-year-old drama student named James Minard charged that he saw an officer give the command to fire. “This lieutenant had his arm raised and carried a baton,” Minard said. “When the baton came down, they fired. I was apparently the only one who saw it; nobody believed me.” A well-connected guard source flatly told Newsweek‘s James Jones and Jon Lowell: “There had to be some kind of preliminary order.”

Spark?

Ohio’s Democratic Senator Stephen Young said in Washington that he had learned the firing was actually touched off by a nervous guardsman whose rifle went off when he was hit by a tear-gas canister or rock. Other observers wondered whether a student photographer, armed while on assignment for the university and the police, might have provided the spark—although an initial police check indicated his gun had not been fired.

As a spring rain washed the bloodstains from the campus, Kent State President Robert I. White ordered the university closed (for the rest of the quarter, it developed), and asked for a high-level investigation of the entire affair. After a visit by six Kent students, President Nixon announced that such an inquiry would be conducted by the Justice Department. The guard itself and the Ohio state police are also investigating the shootings. But even before the evidence was in, 1,000 Kent State faculty members rendered a verdict of their own. Prevented from meeting on the campus, they crowded into a nearby Akon Unitarian church and passed this resolution: “We hold the guardsmen, acting under orders and under severe psychological pressures, less responsible for the massacre than are Governor Rhodes and Adjutant General [Sylvester] Del Corso, whose inflammatory statements produced these pressures.”

‘Do More’

Beyond that there was little left but to bury the dead. In New York City, nearly 5,000 mourners joined the family of Jeffrey Miller at services addressed by Dr. Benjamin Spock, who declared that the Kent State killings “may do more to end the war in Vietnam than all the rest of us have been able to do.” There were smaller, simpler services for Allison Krause, but emotions ran just as high in her hometown. “I can’t blame 18-year-olds for not wanting to go to Cambodia and be killed,” said Krause’s mother. “Look, I had a daughter and now she is dead.”

Allison’s father was even angrier. “May her death be on [Nixon’s] back,” he snapped. His daughter, he said, “resented being called a bum because she disagreed with someone else’s opinion.” “Is dissent a crime?” he asked. “Is this such a reason for killing her? Have we come to such a state in this country that a young girl has to be shot because she disagrees deeply with the actions of her government?”

Sighed a neighbor: “You have no idea how this has brought the whole thing about the war and campus dissent home to this neighborhood…no idea at all. If someone like Allison is killed, my God….”

This story originally appeared in the May 18, 1970, issue of Newsweek with the headline “My God! They’re Killing Us.”

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The same creators of “Grandmas Smoking Weed For The First Time” have released another epic video, this time featuring three cops.

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Credit: hauraki.co.nz

If there’s anything you watch today, let it be this.

Not too long ago a video featuring three grandmas smoking pot for the first time went viral, and now the same creators who produced that sensation are back with something that might even be better. Not only is the following video entertaining, it’s incredibly informative.

All three of these retired officers (whom haven’t smoked since before being an officer) speak about their thoughts on the legalization of marijuana. One even says that while on the force, he never busted anyone for possession of pot. He states that he threw a lot of stashes away in front of those with possession, as he felt that to be a better deterrent for smokers than any criminal proceedings.

As you’ll see below, all three ex-cops seem to have enjoyed their experience. One’s headache even receded after smoking! Unanimously, they all agree they would partake again.

https://youtu.be/Q2eXs4pCs3k

Family Sues After Police Fatally Taze 95-Year-Old Man

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Family Sues After Police Fatally Taze 95-Year-Old Man

chi-chi-kass-wrana-20130801

By NBCChicago.com

The family of a World War II veteran has filed a federal civil rights lawsuit after the 95-year-old man died following a confrontation with Park Forest police last summer.

Park Forest Police Officer Craig Taylor, 43, is charged with reckless conduct for striking John Wrana with five shotgun beanbag rounds as he and other officers tried taking him into custody on July 26, 2013.

Wrana was a patient at the Victory Center Nursing home when he refused to go to the hospital for a urinary Police Officer Craig Taylor, Police were called and eventually used a Taser and a beanbag shotgun to remove the belligerent man by force. He died the next day.

Sharon Mangerson says it’s still painful to talk about her stepfather and how he died.

“Why they chose to confront him in this way I have no idea. I can’t comprehend it. It has been a very painful process to relive this over and over again,” Mangerson said.

Wrana’s family filed a $5 million lawsuit against the Park Forest Police Department saying the department overreacted to the situation, and with his advanced age and failing health, he posed no real threat to the officers.

“Officer Taylor fired the five rounds from his shotgun from a distance of only 6 to 8 feet from where Mr. Wrana was standing,” the family’s attorney, Nicholas Grapsas said.

“Unfortunately what the Japanese military failed to do to Mr. Wrana during the war, the Park Forest Police Department succeeded in doing 70 years later in the twilight of was, until then, an extremely wonderful life.”

Park Forest officials say the do not comment on any pending or ongoing litigation.

The Counterculture

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The Counterculture

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Counterculture is a term describing the values and norms of a cultural group that run counter to those of the social mainstream of the day.

 LEARNING OBJECTIVE

  • Apply the concept of counterculture to the rise and collapse of the US Hippie movement

KEY POINTS

  • Examples of countercultures in the U.S. could include the hippie movement of the 1960s, the green movement, polygamists, and feminist groups.
  • A counterculture is a subculture with the addition that some of its beliefs, values, or norms challenge or even contradict those of the main culture of which it is part.
  • Countercultures run counter to dominant cultures and the social mainstream of the day.

TERMS

  • culture

    The beliefs, values, behavior, and material objects that constitute a people’s way of life.

  • mainstream

    Purchased, used, or accepted broadly rather than by a tiny fraction of a population or market; common, usual, or conventional.

  • counterculture
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  • Any culture whose values and lifestyles are opposed to those of the established mainstream culture, especially to western culture.


EXAMPLES

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  • Modern American Marxist political groups are examples of countercultures — they promote a worldview and set of norms and values that are contrary to the dominant American system.

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FULL TEXT

Counterculture is a sociological term used to describe the values and norms of behavior of a cultural group, or subculture, that run counter to those of the social mainstream of the day, the cultural equivalent of political opposition. Counterculture can also describe a group whose behavior deviates from the societal norm.

In the United States, the counterculture of the 1960s became identified with the rejection of conventional social norms of the 1950s. Counterculture youth rejected the cultural standards of their parents, especially with respect to racial segregation and initial widespread support for the Vietnam War.

As the 1960s progressed, widespread tensions developed in American society that tended to flow along generational lines regarding the war in Vietnam, race relations, sexual mores, women’s rights, traditional modes of authority, and a materialisticinterpretation of the American Dream. Hippies became the largest countercultural group in the United States. The counterculture also had access to a media eager to present their concerns to a wider public. Demonstrations for social justice created far-reaching changes affecting many aspects of society .

Hippies at an Anti-Vietnam Demonstration, 1967

Hippies at an Anti-Vietnam Demonstration, 1967
A female demonstrator offers a flower to military police on guard at the Pentagon during an anti-Vietnam demonstration.

The counterculture in the United States lasted from roughly 1964 to 1973 — coinciding with America’s involvement in Vietnam — and reached its peak in 1967, the “Summer of Love. ” The movement divided the country: to some Americans, these attributes reflected American ideals of free speech, equality, world peace, and the pursuit of happiness; to others, the same attributes reflected a self-indulgent, pointlessly rebellious, unpatriotic, and destructive assault on America’s traditional moral order.

The counterculture collapsed circa 1973, and many have attributed its collapse to two major reasons: First, the most popular of its political goals — civil rights, civil liberties, gender equality, environmentalism, and the end of the Vietnam War — were accomplished. Second, a decline of idealism and hedonism occurred as many notable counterculture figures died, the rest settled into mainstream society and started their own families, and the “magic economy” of the 1960s gave way to the stagflation of the 1970s.

Source: Boundless. “Countercultures.” Boundless Sociology. Boundless, 03 Jul. 2014. Retrieved 29 Nov. 2014 from https://www.boundless.com/sociology/textbooks/boundless-sociology-textbook/culture-and-socialization-3/culture-worlds-32/countercultures-204-8929/

Meet the cops who give Doritos to potheads!

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cannabis10rw3

After Washington voters legalized pot in November, Seattle’s PD

wants to be “cool,” and connect with the weed crowd

TOPICS: POLICESEATTLEMARIJUANAWASHINGTON STATEMARIJUANA LEGALIZATIONPOLICE BRUTALITY,EDITOR’S PICKS

Meet the cops who give Doritos to potheads!Seattle Police Department Detectives hand out bags of Doritos during the Hempfest rally in Seattle, August 17, 2013. (Credit: Reuters/Matt Mcknight)

“Never in my career did I guess that I’d be passing out delicious snacks at Hempfest,” Sean Whitcomb told Salon. “But that happened.” Hempfest goers seemed equally surprised to find Whitcomb, a sergeant in the Seattle Police Department, handing out bags of Doritos and not court summonses among the bong vendors and joint smokers at the city’s annual outdoor pot festival.

They’re typically arch-nemeses, potheads and police officers, but the munchies were a big hit and both sides seemed to relish the irony, with the bags now selling on eBay for as much as much as $50 a pop.

Whitcomb and his fellow officers are trying to make positive interactions like this between two groups historically skeptical of each other more commonplace after voters in the Evergreen State legalized pot in November. They’re trying to educate — the Doritos bags came with information about the new law — but beyond that, they’re trying to make a connection.

Like parents who look the other way as their kids drink a few beers with friends (but confiscate everyone’s keys), the Seattle cops also seem almost desperate to be liked. They return confiscated stasheswrite funny blog posts and use their official Twitter account to announce that the chief of police pulled over a truck adorned with fake pot leaves — in order to give the driver directions to Hempfest. And so what if there’s nothing less cool that someone trying really hard to be cool — can you really blame them?

“Absurd marijuana prohibition laws have long fueled contempt for law enforcement officials, and this type of outreach can help patch up that relationship between police and the public,” said Mason Tvert of the Marijuana Policy Project, a pro-legalization group based in Washington, D.C. “It is great to see … The Seattle Police Department appears to be moving forward with the voters, as opposed to resisting the changes demanded by voters, which is unfortunately still the case in far too many communities that have embraced reform.”

ORLANDO, FL (WKMG/CBS) – Tavish Smith might be the happiest and friendliest arrestee, but the night she arrested was no laughing matter. After crashing her truck, driving down the wrong way of a highway she crashed again. Police surveillance showed Smith wiggling out of her handcuffs, reaching into the front seat and stealing the sandwich bag the trooper found in her car. “Good ole marijuana, right there in the passenger’s seat,” the trooper said. “My car’s smelling like the stuff you had in your seat.” When she couldn’t get back into her handcuff, that’s when she’s busted. “Do you have your handcuffs in front already?” The trooper asked. “Did you slip out?” Smith said no. “I could have sworn I just saw you scratch your nose,” the trooper said. “Oh yeah I did,” Smith said. “Stay in your handcuffs please,” the trooper said. “I hope that’s not why this marijuana bag was open over here. “Bags of weed just don’t go missing inside a police car.” Her misdemeanor charges for minor hit-and-run, DUI and drug possession were bumped up to a felony for eating the evidence.

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ORLANDO, FL (WKMG/CBS) – Tavish Smith might be the happiest and friendliest arrestee, but the night she arrested was no laughing matter.

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WATCH THE WOMAN EATING POT IN THE BACK OF THE PATROL CAR
VIDEO:

Video:
A woman is caught on camera eating marijuana in the back of a patrol car!
http://link.brightcove.com/services/player/bcpid2810881984001?bckey=AQ~~,AAAACCtbLTE~,Euz3dgEqY7HHnml0C4H3s_4ESNnSUNZS&bclid=0&bctid=3639158524001

After crashing her truck, driving down the wrong way of a highway she crashed again.

Police surveillance showed Smith wiggling out of her handcuffs, reaching into the front seat and stealing the sandwich bag the trooper found in her car.

“Good ole marijuana, right there in the passenger’s seat,” the trooper said. “My car’s smelling like the stuff you had in your seat.”

When she couldn’t get back into her handcuff, that’s when she’s busted.

“Do you have your handcuffs in front already?” The trooper asked. “Did you slip out?”

Smith said no.

“I could have sworn I just saw you scratch your nose,” the trooper said.

“Oh yeah I did,” Smith said.

“Stay in your handcuffs please,” the trooper said. “I hope that’s not why this marijuana bag was open over here. “Bags of weed just don’t go missing inside a police car.”

Her misdemeanor charges for minor hit-and-run, DUI and drug possession were bumped up to a felony for eating the evidence.

High driver calls New York State Police on drunken driver — both get arrested

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High driver calls New York State Police on drunken driver — both get arrested

High driver calls New York State Police on drunken driver — both get arrested

Thomas Robbins charged with driving while intoxicated and Malcom Sidbury charged with driving while ability impaired by drugs.

By Evan Bleier | May 2, 2014 at 2:33 PM |
High-driver-calls-New-York-State-Police-on-drunken-driver-both-get-arrested

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Thomas Robbins (left) and Malcolm Sidbury (right) (Credit: New York State Police)

LIVINGSTON, N.Y., May 2 (UPI) — An accident involving two impaired drives on the Taconic State Parkway resulted in both of them being arrested by New York State Police officers for being drunk and high.
Malcolm Sidbury called 911 after his car was allegedly side-swiped by Thomas Robbins as he tried to pass him. After the accident, Robbins drove away.

When the police eventually found the two men on State Route 82, they realized that Sidbury “was under the influence of drugs.” The 38-year-old was charged with driving while ability impaired by drugs.

Police also suspected Robbins of being drunk and gave him a breath test. The 57-year-old reportedly had a blood-alcohol content of .25, well over the legal limit. He was charged with driving while intoxicated, aggravated unlicensed operation of a motor vehicle, leaving the scene of a property damage accident and several violations.

Both men were ticketed and released.

Read more: http://www.upi.com/Odd_News/2014/05/02/High-driver-calls-New-York-State-Police-on-drunken-driver-both-get-arrested/7831399053393/#ixzz30mcrYR2y

US man’s ‘gun’ turns out to be a tattoo

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US man’s ‘gun’ turns out to be a tattoo
ImageUpdated: Wed, 19 Mar 2014 06:49:41 GMT | By The Associated Press, thecanadianpress.com

US man’s ‘gun’ turns out to be a tattoo



NORRIDGEWOCK, Maine – Police armed with assault rifles descended on a man’s home after members of a tree removal crew he’d told to clear off his property reported that he had a gun.

Turns out the “gun” the tree crew had seen on Michael Smith was just a life-sized tattoo of a handgun on his stomach.

Smith, who works nights, was asleep when the tree crew contracted by a utility to trim branches near power lines, woke him up at about 10 a.m. Tuesday.

He went outside shirtless and yelled at the workers to leave. When he’s not wearing a shirt, the tattoo looks like a gun tucked into his waistband.

Smith tells the Morning Sentinel (http://bit.ly/1l37m2f) the tattoo has never been a problem before.

Police didn’t charge him.

___

Information from: Morning Sentinel, http://www.onlinesentinel.com/

‘I Want Them To Be Worried We’re Watching… To Never Know When We’re Overhead.’

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‘I Want Them To Be Worried We’re Watching… To Never Know When We’re Overhead.’

‘I Want Them To Be Worried We’re Watching… To Never Know When We’re Overhead.’

Law enforcement push ‘persistent surveillance’ monitoring systems By Jon Queally “I want them to be worried that we’re watching. I want them to be worried that they never know when we’re overhead.”
That’s what Police Chief Richard Biehl of Dayton, Ohio told the Washington Post while referring to the people of his city as he supported new aerial surveillance technology that would allow his officers to “track every vehicle and person across an area the size of a small city, for several hours at a time.”
Focused on the work of Persistent Surveillance Systems—a Dayton-based company that is already providing aerial surveillance for large events, like political rallies and sporting events—the Post’s reporting reveals that even as “Americans have grown increasingly comfortable with traditional surveillance cameras, a new, far more powerful generation is being quietly deployed.”
For its part, Persistent Surveillance bills itself as a “full-service, wide area surveillance provider” that sells its capabilities to law enforcement agencies, border patrol, and others private firms. According to the company’s website, their signature “Hawkeye II” surveillance system “is similar to a live version of Google-Earth—only with a TiVo-like capability” and provides:

Wide-Area Surveillance Sensors and Services that enable continuous, second-by-second video monitoring of a city-sized area. Because of the very high-resolution nature of PSS’s sensors (up to 200 megapixels), vehicle and pedestrian activity can be tracked over a 16 square-mile area. If an event-of-interest happens within this area (a murder, for example), users can rewind the event to identify the perpetrator’s place-of-origin, meeting locations, accomplices, driving routes, and final destination.

(Click to enlarge.  Source: WaPo)
According to the Post:

Already, the cameras have been flown above major public events such as the Ohio political rally where Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) named Sarah Palin as his running mate in 2008, McNutt said. They’ve been flown above Baltimore; Philadelphia; Compton, Calif.; and Dayton in demonstrations for police. They’ve also been used for traffic impact studies, for security at NASCAR races and at the request of a Mexican politician.

Predictably, those in favor of the hovering surveillance technology, like Police Chief Biehl and the company’s president Ryan McNutt, say the whole purpose of the ‘unblinking eye-in-the-sky’ is to solve crimes or prevent them from happening. And as McNutt explained, he envisions his companies technology not just attached to small planes, as they are now, but to ones with longer and wider ranges as well. He also thinks fixed surveillance units could “protect” large areas, boasting to the Post that “a single camera mounted atop the Washington Monument […] could deter crime all around the [Natioanal] Mall.”
But privacy advocates contend this is just another creepy development in the evolution of the ‘Big Brother’ society that George Orwell warned about and the National Security Agency has helped turn into a global enterprise.
“There are an infinite number of surveillance technologies that would help solve crimes . . . but there are reasons that we don’t do those things, or shouldn’t be doing those things,” said Joel Pruce, a University of Dayton postdoctoral fellow in human rights who opposed the use of the surveillance aircraft in Ohio supported by Biehl.
And Jay Stanley, a privacy expert with the American Civil Liberties Union, told the Post: “If you turn your country into a totalitarian surveillance state, there’s always some wrongdoing you can prevent. The balance struck in our Constitution tilts toward liberty, and I think we should keep that value.”

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Just another WordPress.com weblog

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A World Where Fantasies Are Real And Dreams Do Come True

PT Boat Red

The WWII US Navy career of my father, Red Stahley, PT boat radioman.

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Exploring Best Indian Destinations for You

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remember what made you smile

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Comics und andere Werke des Künstlers Denis Feuerstein

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Bit of this, bit of that

Rants, Raves and Random Thoughts

Diary of a Shipwrecked Alien

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THE RUSTY PROJECT

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-GET YESTERDAY’S NEWS TODAY-

Jon Wilson’s 1920’s and 1930’s - a unique time in our history.

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photography and other things

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Beautiful gardens, garden art and outdoor living spaces

Art by Ken

The works and artistic visions of Ken Knieling.

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Visual Arts from Canada & Around the World

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Edward R. Myers Photography

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On The Road Again 2018

Touring the USA on a Moto Guzzi Breva 750.

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Hiking with snark in the beautiful Pacific Northwest 2011 - 2013

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光華商場筆電,手機,翻譯機,遊戲機...等3C產品包膜專門店

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